Lise Getoor is an American computer scientist who is a distinguished professor and Baskin Endowed chair in the Computer Science and Engineering department, at the University of California, Santa Cruz, and an adjunct professor in the Computer Science Department at the University of Maryland, College Park. Her primary research interests are in machine learning and reasoning with uncertainty, applied to graphs and structured data. She also works in data integration, social network analysis and visual analytics. She has edited a book on Statistical relational learning that is a main reference in this domain. She has published many highly cited papers in academic journals and conference proceedings. She has also served as action editor for the Machine Learning Journal, JAIR associate editor, and TKDD associate editor. She received her Ph.D. from Stanford University, her M.S. from UC Berkeley, and her B.S. from UC Santa Barbara. Prior to joining University of California, Santa Cruz, she was a professor at the University of Maryland, College Park until November 2013. == Recognition == Getoor has multiple best paper awards, an NSF Career Award, and is an Association for the Advancement of Artificial Intelligence (AAAI) Fellow. In 2019, she was elected as an ACM Fellow "for contributions to machine learning, reasoning under uncertainty, and responsible data science", was selected as a Distinguished Alumna of the UC Santa Barbara Computer Science Department, was awarded the UCSC WiSE Chancellor's Achievement Award for Diversity, and was selected to give the UC Santa Cruz Faculty Research Lecture 2018-19, one of the highest recognitions given to UC faculty. She was named an IEEE Fellow in 2021, "for contributions to machine learning and reasoning under uncertainty". In October 2022, Getoor was elected a Fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). In 2024, she was named a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (AAA&S). Also in 2024, she received the ACM SIGKDD Innovation Award recognizing individuals with outstanding technical innovations in the field of Knowledge Discovery and Data Mining that have had a lasting impact in advancing the theory and practice of the field. == Personal life == Getoor's father was mathematician Ronald Getoor (1929–2017).
Hedgeable
Hedgeable, Inc. was a U.S. based financial services company and digital wealth management platform headquartered in New York City. Hedgeable was known for not following set allocations, and instead actively managing accounts in response to market movements. On August 9, 2018, Hedgeable closed its doors to new investors, with existing investors required to transfer out of the company. The company claimed that it was not shutting down but simply removing its SEC registration. == History == Hedgeable was founded in 2009 by twin brothers Michael and Matthew Kane, who previously worked at high-net worth investment managers such as Bridgewater Associates and Spruce Private Investors. Both Michael and Matthew graduated from Penn State University with degrees in finance. Hedgeable is a Registered Investment Advisor with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. The company has received funding from SixThirty and Route 66 Ventures as well as various other angel investors. On August 9, 2018, Hedgeable closed its doors to new investors. == Investing Strategies == Hedgeable did not follow a buy-and-hold approach, but instead actively manages accounts in response to market movements focusing on downside protection in bear markets. Their strategy was different from other robo-advisors, which use Modern Portfolio Theory. Hedgeable offered investment options including Exchange Traded Funds (ETFs) to individual stocks, master limited partnerships, private equity and bitcoin. Mutual funds were not used in portfolios. Although the firm's focus was to provide a direct-to-consumer service, Hedgeable's investment strategies were available to financial advisors and institutions as well through a variety of platforms. == Product Features == When it was open to external clients, Hedgeable aimed to gamify their personal finance experience. Clients could open a new account or transfer an existing account. Hedgeable accepted retirement accounts, taxable accounts, business accounts and various other account types. Hedgeable offered the following features: Downside protection Account aggregation Alternative investments Alpha rewards API Mobile app It was awarded 4/5 for client transparency by Paladin Research. Hedgeable was the winner of the Finovate Fall 2015 Best of Show Award and the GREAT 2015 Tech Award (FinTech Category). In 2016, Hedgeable launched its first iOS mobile app in order to expand their product offerings.
New media
New media are communication technologies that enable or enhance interaction between users, as well as interaction between users and content. In the middle of the 1990s, the phrase "new media" became widely used as part of a sales pitch for the influx of interactive CD-ROMs for entertainment and education. The new media technologies, sometimes known as Web 2.0, include a wide range of web-related communication tools such as blogs, wikis, online social networking, virtual worlds, and other social media platforms. The phrase "new media" refers to computational media that share material online and through computers. New media inspire new ways of thinking about older media. Media do not replace one another in a clear, linear succession, instead evolving in a more complicated network of interconnected feedback loops . What is different about new media is how they specifically refashion traditional media and how older media refashion themselves to meet the challenges of new media. Unless they contain technologies that enable digital generative or interactive processes, broadcast television programs, non-interactive news websites, feature films, magazines, and books are not considered to be new media. The term "new media" stands in contrast to old media, which dominated the media landscape as a form of mass media for many years. == History == In the 1950s, connections between computing and radical art began to grow stronger. It was not until the 1980s that Alan Kay and his co-workers at Xerox PARC began to give the computability of a personal computer to the individual, rather than have a big organization be in charge of this. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, however, we seem to witness a different kind of parallel relationship between social changes and computer design. Although causally unrelated, conceptually, it makes sense that the Cold War and the design of the Web took place at exactly the same time. Writers and philosophers such as Marshall McLuhan were instrumental in the development of media theory during this period which is now famous declaration in Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man, that "the medium is the message" drew attention to the too often ignored influence media and technology themselves, rather than their "content," have on humans' experience of the world and on society broadly. Until the 1980s, media relied primarily upon print and analog broadcast models such as television and radio. The last twenty-five years have seen the rapid transformation into media which are predicated upon the use of digital technologies such as the Internet and video games. However, these examples are only a small representation of new media. The use of digital computers has transformed the remaining 'old' media, as suggested by the advent of digital television and online publications. Even traditional media forms such as the printing press have been transformed through the application of technologies by using of image manipulation software like Adobe Photoshop and desktop publishing tools. Andrew L. Shapiro argues that the "emergence of new, digital technologies signals a potentially radical shift of who is in control of information, experience and resources". W. Russell Neuman suggests that whilst the "new media" have technical capabilities to pull in one direction, economic and social forces pull back in the opposite direction. According to Neuman, "We are witnessing the evolution of a universal interconnected network of audio, video, and electronic text communications that will blur the distinction between interpersonal and mass communication; and between public and private communication". Neuman argues that new media will: Alter the meaning of geographic distance. Allow for a huge increase in the volume of communication. Provide the possibility of increasing the speed of communication. Provide opportunities for interactive communication. Allow forms of communication that were previously separate to overlap and interconnect. Consequently, it has been the contention of scholars such as Douglas Kellner and James Bohman that new media and particularly the Internet will provide the potential for a democratic postmodern public sphere, in which citizens can participate in well informed, non-hierarchical debate pertaining to their social structures. Contradicting these positive appraisals of the potential social impacts of new media are scholars such as Edward S. Herman and Robert McChesney who have suggested that the transition to new media has seen a handful of powerful transnational telecommunications corporations who achieve a level of global influence which was hitherto unimaginable. Scholars have highlighted both the positive and negative potential and actual implications of new media technologies, suggesting that some of the early work in new media studies was guilty of technologicaldeterminism – whereby the effects of media were determined by the technologies themselves, rather than by tracing the complex social networks that governed the development, funding, implementation, and future evolution of any technology. Based on the argument that people have a limited amount of time to spend on the consumption of different media, displacement theory argue that the viewership or readership of one particular outlet leads to the reduction in the amount of time spent by the individual on another. The introduction of new media, such as the internet, therefore reduces the amount of time individuals would spend on existing "old" media, which could ultimately lead to the end of such traditional media. == Definition == Although, there are several ways that new media may be described, Lev Manovich, in an introduction to The New Media Reader, defines new media by using eight propositions: New media versus cyberculture – Cyberculture is the various social phenomena that are associated with the Internet and network communications (blogs, online multi-player gaming), whereas new media is concerned more with cultural objects and paradigms (digital to analog television, smartphones). New media as computer technology used as a distribution platform – New media are the cultural objects which use digital computer technology for distribution and exhibition. e.g. (at least for now) Internet, Web sites, computer multimedia, Blu-ray disks etc. The problem with this is that the definition must be revised every few years. The term "new media" will not be "new" anymore, as most forms of culture will be distributed through computers. New media as digital data controlled by software – The language of new media is based on the assumption that, in fact, all cultural objects that rely on digital representation and computer-based delivery do share a number of common qualities. New media is reduced to digital data that can be manipulated by software as any other data. Now media operations can create several versions of the same object. An example is an image stored as matrix data which can be manipulated and altered according to the additional algorithms implemented, such as color inversion, gray-scaling, sharpening, rasterizing, etc. New media as the mix between existing cultural conventions and the conventions of software – New media today can be understood as the mix between older cultural conventions for data representation, access, and manipulation and newer conventions of data representation, access, and manipulation. The "old" data are representations of visual reality and human experience, and the "new" data is numerical data. The computer is kept out of the key "creative" decisions, and is delegated to the position of a technician. e.g. In film, software is used in some areas of production, in others are created using computer animation. New media as the aesthetics that accompanies the early stage of every new modern media and communication technology – While ideological tropes indeed seem to be reappearing rather regularly, many aesthetic strategies may reappear two or three times ... In order for this approach to be truly useful it would be insufficient to simply name the strategies and tropes and to record the moments of their appearance; instead, we would have to develop a much more comprehensive analysis which would correlate the history of technology with social, political, and economical histories or the modern period. New media as faster execution of algorithms previously executed manually or through other technologies – Computers are a huge speed-up of what were previously manual techniques. e.g. calculators. Dramatically speeding up the execution makes possible previously non-existent representational technique. This also makes possible of many new forms of media art such as interactive multimedia and video games. On one level, a modern digital computer is just a faster calculator, we should not ignore its other identity: that of a cybernetic control device. New media as the encoding of modernist avant-garde; new media as metamedia – Manovi
Algorithmic amplification
Algorithmic amplification is the process by which automated ranking and recommendation systems on digital platforms increase the visibility of certain content beyond its initial audience. Major platforms including Facebook, YouTube, TikTok, and X (formerly Twitter) use such systems to determine what appears in users' feeds and search results. The term is used in research on social media and digital media regulation to describe how platform design choices influence the distribution of online information. Unlike chronological feeds, algorithmic systems evaluate content using signals such as engagement rates, viewing duration, and predicted relevance to individual users. Content that performs strongly on these metrics may be promoted to progressively larger audiences through feeds, search rankings, or autoplay systems. The process is distinct from content moderation, which involves removing, labelling, or restricting content under platform rules, although the two can interact in practice. The concept is closely connected to the attention economy. Research has linked algorithmic amplification to the spread of misinformation and the circulation of political content, as well as to effects on young users' mental health. The scale and direction of those effects remain debated, in part because independent researchers have limited access to the internal workings of platform recommendation systems. Governments in the European Union, United Kingdom, United States, and China have pursued differing regulatory approaches to recommendation algorithms. The EU's Digital Services Act and the UK's Online Safety Act 2023 impose obligations on large platforms related to recommendation system transparency and risk, while China became the first country to enact binding legislation specifically targeting such systems. Internal documents and whistleblower testimony reported by the BBC in 2026 described how competitive pressure between Meta and TikTok led to trade-offs between engagement and user safety in the design of their recommendation systems. == Terminology == The term algorithmic amplification is used in media studies, platform governance scholarship and regulatory literature to describe how automated systems influence the distribution of content beyond what organic user sharing alone would produce. It is distinct from viral spread, which refers primarily to user-driven sharing behaviour, and from algorithmic bias, which describes systematic errors or unfairness in algorithmic outputs. The related term algorithmic curation is used for the broader process of selecting and ordering content, of which amplification is one possible outcome. The phrase also appears in regulatory and legislative discussion of recommendation systems. The European Union's Digital Services Act (DSA) identifies recommendation systems as a potential source of systemic risk, and the term appears frequently in academic and policy commentary on the regulation. In the United States, proposals including the Filter Bubble Transparency Act and the Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA) have used it to frame requirements around recommendation system transparency. In the United Kingdom, the House of Commons Science, Innovation and Technology Committee used the term in a 2025 report on how recommendation algorithms contributed to the spread of misinformation during the 2024 Southport riots. A Joint Declaration on AI and Freedom of Expression adopted in October 2025 by four international freedom of expression mandate holders, including the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression and the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, stated that recommender systems and other AI-powered curation tools exert "a large hidden influence and gatekeeper role" over what information people access and consume. == Background == Early internet platforms typically displayed content in reverse-chronological order or through keyword-based search systems. Although the term is most often applied to social media, the underlying logic predates social media itself. A 2021 overview traced the origins of modern recommendation systems to the early 1990s, when they were first used experimentally for personal email and information filtering. The 1992 Tapestry mail system and the 1994 GroupLens news filtering system were early milestones before recommendation systems spread into e-commerce and other online services. As user bases and content volumes grew during the 2000s, major platforms including Google, YouTube, and Facebook developed machine-learning systems to personalise content delivery and prioritise material predicted to generate engagement. Facebook introduced its News Feed in 2006, which gradually shifted from chronological presentation towards algorithmically ranked content. YouTube altered its recommendation system in 2012 to prioritise watch time rather than clicks, a change the platform said was prompted by concerns that click-based metrics encouraged misleading thumbnails and low-quality videos. TikTok, launched internationally in 2018, adopted a model in which its primary content surface, the For You feed, is driven almost entirely by algorithmic recommendation rather than by a user's social graph. An internal document obtained by The New York Times in 2021 showed that the platform's algorithm optimised for retention and time spent, using signals such as watch duration, replays, likes, and comments to score and rank videos. Algorithmic recommendation also became central to platforms outside social media. Spotify's personalised features, including Discover Weekly, Release Radar, and Home recommendations, use behavioural signals and inferred "taste profiles" to surface tracks and artists beyond a listener's existing library. An ethnographic study of music curators at streaming platforms described this blend of algorithmic and human editorial selection as an "algo-torial" model of gatekeeping. Amazon adopted item-based collaborative filtering for product recommendations in 1998, and its recommendation engine has been described as one of the earliest large-scale deployments of recommendation technology in e-commerce. The same dynamics operate on adult content platforms. Law professor Amy Adler has argued that from 2007 onwards the pornography industry migrated to algorithm-driven streaming platforms, most of which are controlled by a single near-monopoly company, Aylo (formerly MindGeek). These platforms use algorithmic search engines, suggestions, rigid categorisation of content, and AI-driven search term optimisation in ways that produce the same distorting effects found on mainstream speech platforms, including filter bubbles, feedback loops, and the tendency of algorithmic recommendations to alter individual preferences. == Mechanisms == Recommendation systems commonly combine collaborative filtering, which predicts a user's preferences from the behaviour of similar users, with machine-learning models that predict which content a user is likely to engage with from their prior activity. In a common two-stage design, a platform first generates a set of candidate items from a large content pool and then ranks them using a scoring model with objectives such as predicted engagement or user satisfaction. Small changes in ranking criteria can shift exposure at scale, particularly when applied repeatedly across multiple browsing sessions. These systems typically rely on signals including engagement rates, viewing duration, click-through rates, and network relationships between users. Modern recommendation pipelines continuously update predictions as new behavioural data arrives, allowing platforms to adjust rankings in near real time. Users' revealed preferences, expressed through behaviour such as clicks and viewing time, do not always align with their stated preferences, expressed through explicit feedback such as surveys or content controls. Popularity signals can create feedback dynamics in which early engagement increases the likelihood that content will be shown to additional users. Experimental research on online cultural markets has demonstrated how such feedback processes can produce unequal visibility outcomes even when initial differences in content quality are small. == Beneficial and public-interest uses == Recommendation systems can help users navigate large volumes of content by surfacing material predicted to match their interests or needs, which can improve discoverability on platforms with large content libraries. In public health communication, platforms can help health authorities distribute timely information at scale, though the same recommendation systems also risk amplifying misinformation alongside official guidance. Sociologist Zeynep Tufekci has argued that the shift from independent blogs to large centralised platforms transferred gatekeeping power from traditional media to corporate algorithms. In the case of the Egyptian uprising of 2011, she noted that ordinary users
Directed-energy weapon wildfire conspiracy theories
The directed-energy weapon wildfire conspiracy theories are claims circulating on social media and in fringe commentary that 2020s wildfires in places such as California, Hawaii and Texas were started or steered by directed-energy weapons or other lasers or directed-energy systems rather than by the documented ignition sources identified by investigators. Fact-checking organisations and newsrooms have repeatedly shown that widely shared images and clips said to depict “beams from the sky” are unrelated, miscaptioned or fabricated, and that official inquiries point to causes such as damaged or re-energised power lines, vegetation and extreme wind conditions. Coverage of the January 2025 Los Angeles fires described a resurgence of familiar hoaxes while local and federal agencies coordinated public rebuttals. == Background == Rumours linking directed-energy weapons to wildfire outbreaks appeared during earlier disaster seasons, then re-emerged at scale during the 2018 Camp Fire and again with the 2023 Maui wildfires and the 2025 Los Angeles fires. Journalists documented how large disasters reliably attract miscaptioned imagery and speculative narratives that portray official explanations as cover stories, while researchers and emergency managers noted that such claims tend to flourish during the information vacuum that accompanies fast-moving events. == Narratives and debunks == Recurring claims include assertions that videos show lasers igniting neighbourhoods, that “green” or “blue” items or roofs were spared because lasers cannot burn those colours, that trees remaining upright indicate precision targeting of houses, and that beams recorded over Hawaii or Texas came from secret platforms. Investigations show that a purported laser-strike video was actually an explosion at a Russian gas station recorded years earlier, that a photograph said to capture an “attack” was an Ohio gas flare from 2018, and that a separate video of green lights over Hawaii was captured months before the Maui fires by an astronomical camera and is unrelated. Fact-checks addressing colour myths have further explained that images of intact blue roofs were either misinterpreted or in at least one widely shared instance artificially generated, and that laser interaction with materials is not governed by such simplistic rules. == Investigations and identified causes == Authorities who examined specific incidents have published findings that contradict DEW narratives. A multi-agency investigation into the Maui disaster concluded that downed and later re-energised lines ignited an initial morning fire that re-kindled under extreme winds in the afternoon, with reports detailing the timeline and infrastructure context; summaries by national outlets echoed those conclusions. Investigators of the February 2024 Smokehouse Creek Fire in the Texas Panhandle reported that power lines ignited both the state’s largest wildfire and another major blaze, and the regional utility acknowledged its facilities appeared to have been involved; subsequent media coverage outlined the findings and regulatory follow-up. For the 2018 Camp Fire in Northern California, public reports from Butte County and subsequent proceedings identified PG&E transmission equipment as the source of ignition, with documentation of maintenance issues on the Caribou–Palermo line preceding the event. == Platform and agency responses == As major fires burned in and around Los Angeles in January 2025, officials from city agencies and national partners pursued a coordinated strategy to counter falsehoods by issuing timely updates, flagging fake imagery and directing residents to verified resources. Reporters described how federal emergency managers and local departments used social channels and briefings to rebut specific rumours, including claims about lasers and targeted ignition, and to clarify that early imagery often misleads during fast-moving disasters.
Security awareness
Security awareness is the knowledge and attitude members of an organization possess regarding the protection of the physical, and especially informational, assets of that organization. However, it is very tricky to implement because organizations are not able to impose such awareness directly on employees as there are no ways to explicitly monitor people's behavior. That being said, the literature does suggest several ways that such security awareness could be improved. Many organizations require formal security awareness training for all workers when they join the organization and periodically thereafter, usually annually. Another main force that is found to have a strong correlation with employees' security awareness is managerial security participation. It also bridges security awareness with other organizational aspects. == Relationship between Security Awareness and Human Factors == Employees' behavior, cognitive biases, and decision-making processes influence the effectiveness of security measures. Research indicates that psychological factors, such as optimism bias, overconfidence, and habitual behaviors, can undermine security awareness initiatives. To address these challenges, organizations are increasingly using behavioral analytics and security nudges—subtle prompts like password reminders and phishing warnings—to encourage secure behavior. Human error remains the leading cause of cybersecurity incidents. A 2023 IBM Security report found that 95% of breaches are due to human mistakes, including falling for phishing emails, using weak passwords, and mishandling sensitive data. Organizations emphasize security awareness training as a key strategy to mitigate this risk. It is particularly important for leadership to foster a culture of cybersecurity and to provide targeted training to increase security awareness among all employees across the organization. == Coverage == Topics covered in security awareness training include: The nature of sensitive material and physical assets they may come in contact with, such as trade secrets, privacy concerns and government classified information Employee and contractor responsibilities in handling sensitive information, including review of employee nondisclosure agreements Requirements for proper handling of sensitive material in physical form, including marking, transmission, storage and destruction Proper methods for protecting sensitive information on computer systems, including password policy and use of two-factor authentication Other computer security concerns, including malware, phishing, social engineering, etc. Workplace security, including building access, wearing of security badges, reporting of Incidents, forbidden articles, etc. Consequences of failure to properly protect information, including potential loss of employment, economic consequences to the firm, damage to individuals whose private records are divulged, and possible civil and criminal penalties Security awareness means understanding that there is the potential for some people to deliberately or accidentally steal, damage, or misuse the data that is stored within a company's computer systems and throughout its organization. Therefore, it would be prudent to support the assets of the institution (information, physical, and personal) by trying to stop that from happening. According to the European Network and Information Security Agency, "Awareness of the risks and available safeguards is the first line of defence for the security of information systems and networks." "The focus of Security Awareness consultancy should be to achieve a long term shift in the attitude of employees towards security, whilst promoting a cultural and behavioural change within an organisation. Security policies should be viewed as key enablers for the organisation, not as a series of rules restricting the efficient working of your business." == Role of Gamification and Interactive Training == Modern security awareness programs increasingly utilize gamification, phishing simulations, and interactive learning modules. Studies have shown that engaging employees through serious games, reward systems, and real-world attack simulations improves retention and application of security practices. One example is phishing simulation training, where employees receive simulated phishing emails to test their ability to recognize threats. Research indicates that repeated exposure to such exercises leads to long-term improvements in security awareness. == Legislation and Compliance Requirements == Many industries mandate security awareness training to comply with regulations such as: General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) – requires organizations to ensure data protection awareness among employees. Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) – mandates security awareness programs for healthcare providers. Payment Card Industry Data Security Standard (PCI-DSS) – enforces security training for businesses handling payment card information. == Measuring security awareness == In a 2016 study, researchers developed a method of measuring security awareness. Specifically they measured "understanding about circumventing security protocols, disrupting the intended functions of systems or collecting valuable information, and not getting caught" (p. 38). The researchers created a method that could distinguish between experts and novices by having people organize different security scenarios into groups. Experts will organize these scenarios based on centralized security themes where novices will organize the scenarios based on superficial themes. Security awareness is also assessed through real-time security metrics, such as tracking phishing click rates, password reuse tendencies, and policy adherence rates. Organizations are adopting continuous monitoring strategies to provide immediate feedback to employees about risky behavior and suggest corrective actions. == Evolving cyber threats and security awareness strategies == As cyber threats continue to evolve, security awareness programs must adapt to new attack vectors, such as AI-driven cyberattacks, deepfakes, and insider threats. ENISA's Threat Landscape report highlights the increasing prominence of these emerging threats, stressing the need for security measures that address both traditional attacks like ransomware and malware, as well as more sophisticated techniques such as Living Off Trusted Sites (LOTS) and advanced evasion methods used by cybercriminals.
Höhere Graphische Bundes-Lehr- und Versuchsanstalt
The Höhere Graphische Bundes-Lehr- und Versuchsanstalt (HGBLuVA) ("Higher Federal Institution for Graphic Education and Research"), now commonly known as "die Graphische", founded in 1888 in Vienna, is a vocational college for professions in visual communication and media technology in Austria. == History == === Opening === Originally set up as a photographic research institute by the President of the Photographic Society, the graphic teaching and research institute (GLV) was created through the incorporation of the photographic school (a department for photographic reproduction processes connected to the Salzburg State Building School) and the Hörwarter general drawing school in Vienna. Since its foundation, it has made an important contribution to the establishment and development of the graphic professions. According to a resolution of March 14, 1887, the City Council of Vienna made three floors of the municipal building in Vienna VII, Westbahnstraße 25, available to the former Schottenfelder Realschule for the establishment of a teaching and research institute for photography and reproduction processes. The k. k. Lehr- und Versuchsanstalt für Photographie und Reproductionsverfahren, founded and directed (1888–1923) by Josef Maria Eder, previously of the Technologische Gewerbemuseum (Museum of Applied Technology), for which he established a Section for Photography and Reproduction Techniques, and the Vienna State Trade School where, recently qualified as a university lecturer, he began teaching chemistry and physics in 1881. It opened on March 1, 1888 with 108 students. In the next school year the number of students rose to 174. In 1890, Eder placed a Wothly solar camera (an early means of enlarging negatives) on the roof. In the context of the history of vocational schools and the applied arts, pioneering educational reforms in Austria from the 1870s created institutions like it outside the format of the classical university, it being a special variation on the “state trade school” (“Staats-Gewerbeschule”). Eder based his institution on earlier foreign models such as the Conservatoire des arts et métiers in Paris (founded 1794), that housed a museum of history and technology and hosted with evening lectures and demonstrations, with lectures in photography commencing in 1891. From 1897 onwards the name Graphische Lehr- und Versuchsanstalt came into being . In 1906, Emperor Franz Joseph granted the school the designation “Imperial and Royal” in the title, and the Republic of Austria confirmed this distinction when the school's Federal Chancellery approved the use of the national coat of arms. === The beginnings === The GLV was instituted on August 27, 1887 "by the highest resolution to approve the activation of this teaching and research institute in Vienna on March 1, 1888". The aim of the institute was the “training of specialist photographers, retouchers, collotype printers, photolithographers, etc., the instruction of artists, scholars and technicians who want to learn photography as an auxiliary science, furthermore the testing of equipment, chemicals and the implementation of independent scientific investigations in the areas of Photochemistry and Related Subjects”. The school consisted of two departments; the Institute for Photography and Reproduction Processes and the Research Institute, and in 1891 the Board of Book Printers and Type Founders pointed out the urgent need to add a department for book printers to the school. In 1897 an additional section for the book and illustration trade was opened, the school called "KK Graphische Lehr- und Versuchsanstalt" was then divided into four sections: Section I: Institute for Photography and Reproduction (corresponds to the former Institute for Photography and Reproduction Processes) Section II: College for the book and illustration trade Section III: Research institute for photochemistry and graphic printing processes (corresponds to the original research institute) Section IV: Collections: graphic collection, library and equipment collection The first original lithographs by famous artists such as Luigi Kasimir and Tina Blau are thanks to the special course for lithography and lithography introduced in 1905 and 'algraphy' - a planographic printing process from an aluminum plate instead of the stone used in lithography - was first taught in Austria in 1896 at the GLV. The specialty course for lithography and lithography existed until 1913/14, after which a specialist course for xylography (wood engraving and woodcuts) was offered. In 1908 the graphic arts department was set up on the top floor of the neighbouring house at Westbahnstraße 27 connected by a spiral staircase still in existence in the courtyard at the current location on Leyserstraße. === Women in the graphic teaching and research institute === From 1908 women were also officially admitted. For the period from 1888 to 1918/19, a total of 718 female students at the Graphische are recorded in the largely preserved class lists. Due to changes and new requirements in the job description, the proportion of women continued to grow, so that in some classes it exceeded two thirds. === The Graphics Department === In 1916, the school statute was changed: all-day lessons with photography internship in the 1st and 2nd years as well as training for disabled people were introduced and a drawing school was added. After the First World War, the school was renamed several times: In 1919 the name was "Deutsch-Österreichische Graphische Lehr- und Versuchsanstalt"; changed in 1920 to "Staatliche Graphische Lehr- und Versuchsanstalt" and in 1923 to "Graphic Education and Research Institute". === The school in the time of National Socialism === The "annexation of Austria by Germany" resulted in organisational restructuring: semesters were introduced and the GLV was made a subordinate level of a university of the graphic arts administered in Leipzig. In 1939 the school became a state graphic teaching and research institute . Up to this point, two thirds of all Austrian postage stamps had been designed and engraved in the Graphische. === Post-war period === In 1945 the period of study at the technical school was extended to four years. In 1948, “manual graphics” became “commercial graphics” followed by an honours year. In 1959, a department A was developed: a three-class specialist department for photography with a master class, and a department B: a specialist department for commercial graphics with four classes and an honours year. Through further school reforms, the university entrance qualification was acquired with the completion of the now five-year course and honours qualification. In 1967, due to a lack of space, the Westbahnstrasse was moved to the new Carl Appel building in Leyserstrasse. === The new building, 1963 === On May 22, 1963, the foundation stone of the new campus was laid in the 14th district in the Breitenseer Strasse, Leyserstrasse and Spallartgasse area (Kommandogebäude Theodor Körner). In 1967 the move to the new building began and in 1968 the official opening coincided with the 80th anniversary of the school. In 1963/64 the first year of the five-year high school for reprography and printing technology began. There was also a four-year technical school. With the advent of personal computers and their use in the graphics industry, change comes first in typesetting and later in image processing, and in 1984 the advent of desktop publishing brought a revolution that permanently challenged the distinction between photographer, typesetter, layout artist and printer. In 1988, the Graphische celebrated its 100th anniversary. The rapid development of technology shaped school events in the 1980s, as did the rapid advance of offset printing - albeit at the expense of Letterpress printing. In reproduction technology, scanner technology for the production of colour separations displaced reprography. === Renovation, 2006 === Due to renovation work on the building in Leyserstraße, the management and the photography, multimedia and graphics departments moved to an alternative location in Vienna's first district at Schellinggasse 13. After the work was completed, the school was relocated in February 2008. == Notable teachers and students ==